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When the water pressure is low, it can be a long wait. And the carrying of water recipients, on the head or across the shoulders, is a daily chore for the men, women and children in deprived areas. Figure 2. Carrying water on a yoke. Tanambao 2, Toamasina. Miakatra, The failure of state administration—as observed in several African countries—has slowed progress in extending the water networks to outlying districts.

Role prior to Marh 2010

This is attributed to institutional weakness and lack of investment in the sector. The renewal of the network calls for heavy investment, which only large projects can hope to attract. Moreover, the ageing equipment, combined with payment arrears, especially from public institutions decentralised authorities, universities, hospitals has resulted in serious physical network loss waste, leakage, etc.

For the standpipes, Jirama currently has unpaid bills amounting to 31 billion ariary for Toamasina and 1. The water supply networks were built at the sole initiative of the government: the beneficiary communities were not sufficiently involved in, or prepared for, their upkeep.

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It was consequently common for defective equipment to be abandoned, and for people to resort to using unprotected sources. To make matters worse, a loss of public confidence in the network operator began to set in during the s.

Reforms in public services since the s have been accompanied by a current of economic liberalism and government reform. The redefinition of the role of the state is the pragmatic outcome of failures in centralized planning and of a mixed economy, amplified by increasing macro-economic constraints and a reduction in public-sector financing sources.

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The code sets out the value of water, introduces steps towards commercializing the service by recovering all or part of the costs, and specifies the place of the users of the service and of the private sector. More generally, the reforms call for technical and institutional innovations. Madagascar has adopted a general strategy aimed at involving local communities in the process of appropriating their drinking water supply.

A participatory approach, combined with socio-economic studies of the intervention zones, provides an understanding of the structures and functioning of local societies. The population is involved in identifying problems, and is consulted about the proposed solutions. These participatory diagnostics often give expression to demands for socio-collective facilities such as for water collective systems , health, education and the prioritization of women and young people Olivier de Sardan, In the health sector, financial participation of users, or fanome, consists of paying part of the heavily-subsidized cost of healthcare and medication to the urban or rural primary health center.

For every problem identified, a solution was proposed; this helped to define the actions required, and how the community could participate in their implementation. Subsequently, the residents are also responsible for the upkeep and management of the facilities. This devolution of responsibility is enshrined in an official transfer of ownership agreement Republic of Madagascar, PAIQ, The initiative was supported by the international donors for a variety of reasons: ensuring the longevity of the equipment, good service management and local, resident-led development.

Madagascar: Ministry of the Interior

Antananarivo and Toamasina were the first local authorities to introduce payment at public water points. Its goals include the total recovery of costs, including investment, maintenance and management expenses, and the social cost of providing access for low-income populations. Box 1. The organization of cost recovery in Madagascar.

Decentralization: Problems and Solutions– Madagascar Evidence

The law of Madagascar defines the principles that apply to water pricing:. Cited in Miakatra, doctoral thesis, This was also the result of local authorities becoming increasingly aware of the payment shortfall induced by over-consumption and by losses due to defective conduits, etc.

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The installation of new water points required a contribution from beneficiaries and local authorities in order to minimize investment costs. The first is used mainly with free standpipes. All of the households in a single district participate in the cost of repairing the defective equipment, the amount being determined on the basis of the cost of repair.

The second mode payment per volume consumed currently concerns all of the standpipes in Toamasina: the consumer pays per unit of consumption according to the volume of a bucket or can.

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  7. This gives residents a sense of being entitled to use the collective equipment, expressing a collective appropriation of the installations. Subscriptions are periodic usually monthly and are payable to a district collector. The money thus collected is used to pay for repairs and maintenance. Box 2. The paying system: social unrest and the return to free supply in some parts of the capital. After a number of demonstrations by local residents, a meeting was convened between the city authorities and the representatives of the water users to seek a consensus.

    Paying 10 ariary per bucket of water was too much for many households, and the mayor accepted that the inflation from which the people were suffering made it difficult for them to pay for water. Source: Miakatra, Overall, local financial participation for access to services can lead to the exclusion of certain underprivileged strata of the urban population.

    In more concrete terms, this socio-technical system is analysed by examining the way in which the standpipes are managed. These committees stem from a district association, the fokontany. The management body takes out a subscription directly with Jirama, collects daily payments for the resale of water, pays the monthly bill to Jirama, and maintains the installations. Part of the revenue is used to pay the standpipe assistant. Half a million requests for acquisition of public land are lodged with land administration services, whose ability to issue land titles is very feeble.

    Only , titles have been established in a century, and currently, the pace of issuing deeds stagnates at around titles per year. The system of individual land registration has failed, and the project of a general land registration remains conditioned by subsidies provided by aid agencies. A feeling of land insecurity has spread throughout the country. Few citizens have secure rights to land and many people fear an attempted theft able to activate the conclusion of a land registration file.